Khalsa Values Must Guide Sikh Political Engagement In The West
"The question for us all today is, are we upholding sovereign panthic soch, or are we engaging in the politics of Ram Rai?"
Ranveer Singh
May 6, 2024 | 7 min. read | Opinion
On April 29, 2024, an event marked Vaisakhi at Bute House, the official residence of the First Minister of Scotland. While ministers in England have held such events in 10 Downing Street for a number of years, this was the first time Bute House took centre stage.
In the past, I have observed these types of programs from afar with a critical eye due to the usual nature of proceedings that follow in these gatherings. Many folks reading this article will resonate with the understanding that these events have largely become PR stunts, presenting photo opportunities and instances of political pandering. The distinct and standalone worldview of the Khalsa, for which we celebrate Vaisakhi, is often co-opted and repackaged within the overarching realm and authority of the British Crown and its administration.
Under this panoptic arrangement in which a Western perceived universality of shared values is implied from the offset, there is little to no room for sovereign Sikh expression. In this field of discourse, Khalsa values are equated to British values, and the distinctiveness of Khalsa thought and action is stripped away.
Let me explain what I mean by this.
From a philosophical or ideological standpoint, convoluting the creation of the Khalsa and the sacred hukam of the Guru with enlightenment-inspired principles that drive Western ideals of justice, liberty and freedom tied to a Eurocentric colonising and globalising worldview is problematic. Synonymising sarbat da bhala with universalised human or civic rights discourse granted by the logic of the secular state is problematic.
This is because Khalsa values are not the same as British values.
Described as emerging from the mauj of parmatma, Khalsa values begin with the reality of ik oankar, everything in Sikh-drishti (worldview) sprouts from that one truth which gives birth to gurmat ideals of sarbat da bhala (welfare of all life) and sanjhivalta (coexistence). This is fundamentally different from the dominant secular groundings of global justice discourse in the West in which the individual is heralded through the primacy of reason, intellect and science.
Yes, we’re all human, and yes, we all have traits and characteristics that bring us together, such as love, compassion, humility and kindness, but the politics of world-building, of creating a society based on egalitarian principles, differs between the West and the Khalsa. We can look at the history of Western power structures, we can analyse past and present domestic and foreign policies of Britain. They don’t reflect anything remotely assembling Khalsa governance. This is because Khalsa values originate from the giaan (wisdom/knowledge) imparted by the Guru.
At the centre of that giaan is naam, which gives rise to Sikh consciousness and worldview. This worldview recognises the divine light within everyone so that just or egalitarian governance is not formed on the basis of individual rights or manmat but from the Guru’s hukam and understanding of our shared existence within creation and creator.
Recognising this fundamental difference is vital when navigating corridors of any Western political arena, where speeches are often self-censored, with zero mention of how the Khalsa has mobilised in modern times, under the banners of Khalistan, to bring about an halemi-raj based on the reality of ik oankar.
Instead, we often find a cleansed version of generic Sikh activism through the accepted and celebrated notion of langar and seva, which are framed as charitable endeavours and echo the state’s rhetoric of Sikhs as good model minority citizens. We are valued because we offer service, but any expression of revolutionary Sikh thought tied to Sikh sovereignty, which is an intrinsic aspect of Sikh identity from which langar and seva emerge, is sidelined and erased.
If that aspect is ever mentioned, it is usually from a historical perspective or within the realm of religiosity and Islamophobic underpinnings – that the Khalsa was formed to merely fight the Mughals. The revolutionary edge of Khalsa, which demands action today, is blunted by the influence of British bureaucrats accompanied by their junior partners, who are more interested in tick box exercises and political posturing than marking the creation of the Khalsa and honouring what that means for the Sikhs today.
As a result, I have found that speaking unapologetically about Sikh values, Sikh sovereignty, the Khalsa, and centring and normalising Khalistan, is a feat that is sadly rare to see in these gatherings. It is very sad because, on the one hand, we know and celebrate those who have made such principled stands from the past, those who fearlessly spoke truth to power, but it seems in the realm of modernity, we are forced to not only lose the resolute voice of our ancestors, but change its tone and delivery to work within the confines of modern nation-state diplomatic discourse, and that too as citizens.
In a recent Baaz article, I wrote about the significance of Vaisakhi; that it marks an important milestone in the Sikh world because it marks the creation of the Khalsa. The Khalsa is a sovereign, standalone entity answerable only to Akal, and the Khalsa continues to stand and resist today. The Khalsa is not a historical relic from the past, nor is it a religious body of baptised Sikhs that perform symbolic gestures of subedari. The Khalsa is an army of Akal, which works to further Sikh sovereignty and stand against any form of oppression. This compels the mode of engagement between Khalsa and worldly powers to be consistent and reflective of an independent sovereign power.
Engaging with worldly regimes is not to be blanketly refused, and in fact, it is not anything new for the Sikhs. In fact, there are plenty of examples from our history, including from the times of the Gurus, in which engagement and dialogue were favoured and encouraged.
The Gurus formed cordial relations with those who were willing to respect the sovereignty of the Guru’s Darbar and engage as honourable equals. They negotiated and formed alliances from a position of power because of Sikh sovereignty, but when that principle was undermined, it became problematic.
I’m reminded of the mid-17th century story of Ram Rai, who was dispatched by Guru Har Rai Sahib towards Delhi to represent the Guru’s Darbar. He was given firm instructions on how to uphold the sanctity and sovereignty of the Guru’s Darbar, to not waver under political pressure from the Mughal regime, and to remain steadfast in Sikhi sidhant. However, as we all know, he faltered, resulting in the Guru breaking all ties with him. Only later, when he expressed remorse for his actions, Guru Gobind Singh forgave him. This episode in our history shows that there is room for political engagement, but not if it comes at the expense of losing our identity and slipping from our sidhantic position.
Staying true to the Sikh sidhantic position is not just a matter of strategy or convenience; it is a profound ethical and moral imperative that lies at the heart of our identity as a vakhri qaum, a distinct nation. Our commitment to Sikh values, sovereignty, and the Khalsa is not a fleeting allegiance but a sacred and timeless hukam from the Guru; honoured and passed down through generations, it is a legacy of sacrifice and courage that demands our unwavering loyalty.
In a world rife with injustice and oppression, it is all too easy to compromise these demanding principles for short-term gains or personal glory.
I understand the need to engage with local and national government because of domestic issues that impact our personal lives, such as racism and discrimination, but these are not only symptoms of a larger problem tied to the conditions of our arrival in Britain and the West but they ought to be dealt with through regular advocacy efforts in which the broader citizenry can hold their elected ministers to account. Addressing these issues requires a seismic shift in UK policy, which is not to say we should not be engaged in advocacy or efforts to push for that change, but recognising that work as standalone from the remit and mandate of the Khalsa is imperative. Why? Because the Khalsa does not ask for reform.
There was a time not long ago when the Khalsa engaged with the British through treaties and agreements, as two sovereign powers should. It was the British who broke those treaties that led to the two major Anglo-Sikh wars of the mid-19th century. Since the fall of the Sikh Raj, Khalsa has engaged in various movements to regain that lost sovereignty, and Khalsa does not ask for reform because the Khalsa is a self-regulating power; guaranteed by the sword of Guru Nanak Patshah. This is why it is important if we are invited to speak in these so-called corridors of power, we do so in a way that upholds the sovereignty of the Khalsa.
Sikh political engagement in worldly politics is not measured by the applause of the moment but by the enduring impact of our actions on the chardikala of the Panth. When our leaders and representatives speak with clarity and conviction, when they embody the values of the Khalsa with humility and courage, Sikhs cannot help but feel empowered and emboldened. The last person to have done this to the standards of the Khalsa was Sant Jarnail Singh ji Khalsa Bhindranwale, which produced the single greatest example of sovereign Sikh mobilisation in the 20th century. Behind his words was the strength of spiritual discipline and firm allegiance to the Khalsa. It is not just the words spoken that matter but the spirit behind them.
The question for us all today is, are we upholding sovereign panthic soch, or are we engaging in the politics of Ram Rai?
Ranveer Singh writes from Scotland, UK, and is the co-founder of the National Sikh Youth Federation (NSYF). He is an Author and Chief Editor at Khalis House Publishing. Ranveer has a BA in Law and an MA in Philosophy. He is currently working on his fifth book, and can be find on social media at @ranveer5ingh
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